Positional goods and inequality

A commenter refers to John Nye’s 2002 essay. Nye writes that as economic growth improves food choices for everyone,

For those who only care about getting a good meal, this is a blessing not a tragedy. But those with expectations of going to the great restaurants as their incomes rise will be frustrated by the fact that the best remain agonizingly out of reach unless they grow rich much faster than the average. So only the wealthiest of the wealthy can have these goods and must pay a growing premium to do so.

Nye’s point is that the price of positional goods will go up faster than people’s incomes. Think of Harvard as a positional good. The commenter’s claim is that the key positional goods are indicators of cultural supremacy. This would imply that the conflict between old-fashioned liberal values and the new social justice values is over positional goods and thus will be very intense.

Social sorting

Daniel A. Cox and others report,

More than three-quarters (77 percent) of white Americans report that their core social network includes only people who are also white. More than six in 10 (64 percent) black Americans have social networks composed entirely of people who are also black. Less than half of Asian Americans (49 percent) and Hispanic Americans (43 percent) have core social networks that include only members of their own race or ethnic background.

Most partisans have close social ties that reflect their political predispositions. A majority (54 percent) of Republicans report that their core social network is exclusively composed of Donald Trump supporters. The pattern is nearly identical among Democrats.

Recall the cliche that you are the average of your five closest friends.

Gossip at scale

The Internet, smart phones, and social media (ISS) have set human communication back about 20,000 years. That is, we now rely more on gossip than we have since we lived in small tribes.

1. Human evolution produced gossip. Cultural anthropology sees gossip as an informal way of enforcing group norms. It is effective in small groups. But gossip is not the search for truth. It is a search for approval by attacking the perceived flaws of others.

2. As a social enforcement mechanism, gossip does not scale. Large societies need other enforcement mechanisms: government, religion, written codes.

3. Our ISS technology changes this. It makes it possible to gossip effectively at large scale. This in turn has revived our propensity to rely on gossip. Beliefs spread without being tested for truth.

4. We have increased the power of gossip-mongers and correspondingly reduced the power of elite institutions of the 20th century, including politicians, mainstream media, and scientists.

5. The result is that we are living through a period of chaos. Symptoms include conspiracy theories, information bubbles, cancel culture, President Trump’s tweets, and widespread institutional decay and dysfunction.

6. To escape from the chaos, we will need new norms of behavior that incline us away from gossip.

I will elaborate more below. Continue reading

A grumpy thought

John Cochrane writes,

If Blacks are, indeed, 1% of all Math SAT takers with scores between 700 and 800, after going through our shameful educational system, just how is every field in academia along with every business competing with each other to hire that 1% going to help?

Most of his post is about the Trump Administration’s attempt to remove the “diversity training” programs from the Federal bureaucracy. As John points out, this is a topic that deserves more coverage in the media. The public should know more about what is going on.

Interestingly, another politician also decided to draw the line on indoctrination in critical theory. Did you hear about what happened in California? I have a hard time finding details, but I think that the gist of it is this.

1. The California education bureaucrats proposed to the legislature an “ethnic studies” requirement and described the curriculum.

2. Jewish groups saw that BDS was included, and they went ballistic.

3. The bureaucrats revised the curriculum. They submitted the new curriculum, saying “We took out BDS, and we even added Jews as an American ethnic group. Now are you happy, Jewish Groups?”

4. Jewish groups: “No.”

5. The law passed the California legislature with overwhelming majorities.

6. Governor Newsom vetoed the law.

As far as I know, this is where it stands.

Thoughts on the state of things

Two essays by eminent observers.

1. David Brooks writes,

the values of the Millennial and Gen Z generations that will dominate in the years ahead are the opposite of Boomer values: not liberation, but security; not freedom, but equality; not individualism, but the safety of the collective; not sink-or-swim meritocracy, but promotion on the basis of social justice.

. . .The stench of national decline is in the air. A political, social, and moral order is dissolving. America will only remain whole if we can build a new order in its place.

Brooks argues that a decline in social trust does not just happen all by itself.

High national distrust is a sign that people have earned the right to be suspicious. Trust isn’t a virtue—it’s a measure of other people’s virtue.

Like Yuval Levin, the Brooks sees our only hope as building formal institutions.

Over the past 60 years, we have given up on the Rotary Club and the American Legion and other civic organizations and replaced them with Twitter and Instagram. Ultimately, our ability to rebuild trust depends on our ability to join and stick to organizations.

2. Francis Fukuyama writes,

The issue here is thus not whether progressive illiberalism exists, but rather how great a long-term danger it represents. In countries from India and Hungary to the United States, nationalist conservatives have actually taken power and have sought to use the power of the state to dismantle liberal institutions and impose their own views on society as a whole. That danger is a clear and present one.

Progressive anti-liberals, by contrast, have not succeeded in seizing the commanding heights of political power in any developed country. Religious conservatives are still free to worship in any way they see fit, and indeed are organized in the United States as a powerful political bloc that can sway elections. Progressives exercise power in different and more nuanced ways, primarily through their dominance of cultural institutions like the mainstream media, the arts, and large parts of academia. The power of the state has been enlisted behind their agenda on such matters as striking down via the courts conservative restrictions on abortion and gay marriage and in the shaping of public school curricula. An open question for the future is whether cultural dominance today will ultimately lead to political dominance in the future, and thus a more thoroughgoing rollback of liberal rights by progressives.

This is part of a new project of Fukuyama’s, called American Purpose. Pointer from Tyler Cowen.

I have quoted the paragraphs with which I most disagree. Fukuyama’s entire essay is excellent, and almost every paragraph was tempting to excerpt. But I put a greater weight on cultural breakdown–see the David Brooks essay–than political breakdown, and so I am more concerned with the threat from the left.

Welcome to the Occupation

I recently read Live not by Lies, by Rod Dreher. Takeaways:

1. Social Justice ideology is antithetical to liberalism. You can get that from Pluckrose and Lindsay (Dreher cites Lindsay).

2. The Social Justice movement manipulates language and pressures people to accept lies. You can get that from Jordan Peterson, who first came to prominence because he was not willing to let government dictate his use of gender pronouns. Dreher does not cite Peterson, but he does cite Orwell, who wrote the classic warning about coerced lying.

3. The tyranny that is coming to this country will be a “soft” tyranny. Mass surveillance will come from technology firms, not from a secret police. Enforcement will come from social pressure, restrictions on employment, and de-platforming, not from imprisonment, torture, or assassinations.

4. Dreher’s main claim is that in order to resist this tyranny, one must learn from the Christian resistance to the Soviet Union. Above all, we must not allow Social Justice propaganda to obliterate history and destroy freedom of conscience. We should live with the hope that truth will defeat tyranny.

The psychology of resentment

Nando Pelusi wrote,

Inequities are bound to occur; it is how we react to the perceived injustice that is key. “Natural” emotions such as the anger engendered by cheaters evolved for all sorts of reasons, but they aren’t perfect and they don’t necessarily improve our lives. So resist the all-too-natural tendency to nurse a grudge.

A reader forwarded me the essay, which is difficult to excerpt. The author writes of “injustice collecting” as a natural psychological program built to protect us from being cheated repeatedly but which becomes dysfunctional in many modern contexts. Some of my thoughts.

1. As a friend of mine once pointed out, at work, we naturally resent the people who get paid more and work less than we do. We almost never notice the people who are paid less and work more than we do.

2. Sometimes it seems that a person would rather collect injustices than do something about them. That can be really harmful.

3. It seems to me that in the political realm, sometimes groups would rather collect injustices than find a way to move past them.

Kling and Gurri on social movements in Digital City

Martin Gurri and Arnold Kling have a dialog. I say,

It seems to me that the decentralized nature of these protests is a weakness. By 20th-century standards, a movement needs to mature into having an institutional structure.

He says,

I’m going to make an act of faith and say that new institutions will arise that account for the digital environment and the web culture. With luck, they will embody our ideals of democracy and equality—maybe even nudge closer to these ideals. But it’s early days.

Intentions vs. consequences

Luke Smillie and others write,

intellectually curious people–those who are motivated to explore and reflect upon abstract ideas–are more inclined to judge the morality of behaviors according to the consequences they produce. . .

individuals who are more curious, respectful, and adherent to salient social norms, tend to judge the morality of an action not by its consequences, but rather by its alignment with particular moral rules, duties, or rights.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen.

I attach a lot of importance to the distinction between intentions and consequences, and my natural inclination is to focus on the latter. Some more comments:

1. Focus on intentions, and you blame the baker for “greed.” Focus on consequences, as Adam Smith does, and you enjoy your bread.

2. Good intentions motivate the rabbi and most congregants at our synagogue to support Black Lives Matter. For now, let us assume that everyone involved in BLM has good intentions (although obviously that is never completely true of any movement). But I cannot stop there. As I see it, the consequences of BLM thus far are bad, and they will be worse. I don’t think this is fixable within BLM. The assumption that racism is the most important factor (indeed, the only factor) in police killings of young black men is false.

I disapprove of racism. I disapprove of police killing young black men. But I also disapprove of overstating the link between the two.

3. In How Humans Judge Machines, Cesar Hidalgo finds that humans judge machines more by their consequences and humans more by their intentions.

In a complex society, I think we are better often better off looking at outcomes as if they came from a disinterested machine rather than as coming from an intentional human.

For example, I believe that social media has harmful consequences. However, these consequences were not the intentions of the people involved in creating smart phones, Facebook, Twitter, etc. They are the result of human action, but not the execution of any human design

Digital culture

L. M. Sacasas writes,

Certain features of the self in an enchanted world are now reemerging in the Digital City. Digital technologies influence us and exert causal power over our affairs. In the Digital City, we are newly aware of operating within a field of inscrutable forces over which we have little to no control. Though these forces may be benevolent, they are just as often malevolent, undermining our efforts and derailing our projects. We often experience digital technologies as determining our weal and woe, acting upon us independently of our control and without our understanding. We are vulnerable, and our autonomy is compromised.

I describe the essay as a collection of loose threads. Many are interesting, but none are sufficiently well developed for my taste. Still, I think that the basic theme strikes me as increasingly important: our media environment is novel, and this has a significant impact on individual psychology and the culture at large.

Sacasas writes of our “re-enchantment” in this media environment, as we feel ourselves captive of invisible forces. He refers to algorithms as these hidden forces. But I think that the belief in systemic racism is another example of re-enchantment.

His thoughts on the anachronistic nature of fact-checking struck me as spot-on.