In Frauds, Fools, and Firebrands, he writes about those who condemn the commoditification of labor,
are we not tired, by now, of this tautologous condemnation of the free economy, which defines that which can be purchased as a thing and then says that the man who sells his labour, in becoming a thing, ceases to be a person? At any rate, we should recognize that, of all the mendacious defences offered for slavery, this is by far the most pernicious. For what is unpurchased labour, if not the labour of a slave?
1. I am reminded of Milton Friedman’s famous retort to a general defending the draft. The general asks, “Would you want to lead an army of mercenaries? Friedman replies, “Would you rather lead an army of slaves?
2. I am reminded of the widespread requirement of high school students to complete hours of “community service” in order to graduate.
Scruton says to the left: Condemn paid labor all you like. It is more voluntary than the alternative.
Separately, on the philosophy of science, Scruton writes,
Philosophers of science are familiar with the thesis of Quine and Duhem, that any theory, suitably revised, can be made consistent with any data, and any data rejected in the interest of theory.
That is certainly my view of macroeconomic theory.
Ignoring that which is donated or communal (within a household).
Revised is potentially useful, rejection unlikely to be so but sadly more common.
The following lesson learned from Gen. Sherman’s memoirs supports the premise that a better soldier and a more effective army is one that is induced by pay rather than force.
“But the real difficulty was, and will be again, to obtain an adequate number of good soldiers. We tried almost every system known to modem nations, all with more or less success —voluntary enlistments, the draft, and bought substitutes — and I think that all officers of experience will confirm my assertion that the men who voluntarily enlisted at the outbreak of the war were the best, better than the conscript, and far better than the bought substitute. When a regiment is once organized in a State, and mustered into the service of the United States, the officers and men become subject to the same laws of discipline and government as the regular troops. They are in no sense ” militia,” but compose a part of the Army of the United States, only retain their State title for convenience, and yet may be principally recruited from the neighborhood of their original organization. Once organized, the regiment should be kept full by recruits, and when it becomes difficult to obtain more recruits the pay should be raised by Congress, instead of tempting new men by exaggerated bounties. I believe it would have been more economical to have raised the pay of the soldier to thirty or even fifty dollars a month than to have held out the promise of three hundred and even six hundred dollars in the form of bounty. Toward the close of the war, I have often heard the soldiers complain that the ” stay-at-home ” men got better pay, bounties, and food, than they who were exposed to all the dangers and vicissitudes of the battles and marches at the front. The feeling of the soldier should be that, in every event, the sympathy and preference of his government is for him who fights, rather than for him who is on provost or guard duty to the rear, and, like most men, he measures this by the amount of pay. Of course, the soldier must be trained to obedience, and should be “content with his wages;” but whoever has commanded an army in the field knows the difference between a willing, contented mass of men, and one that feels a cause of grievance. There is a soul to an army as well as to the individual man, and no general can accomplish the full work of his army unless he commands the soul of his men, as well as their bodies and legs.”
Memoir of General William T. Sherman, Vol II, pg 387.