Your old world is rapidly agin’

Ross Douthat writes,

even federal intervention probably won’t prevent small businesses from going under while bigger businesses ride things out, accelerating the pre-existing drift toward a less entrepreneurial, more monopolist America.

This is similar to a point that I made when I gave a talk on the virus economy over Zoom to a small group of friends and synagogue members last Sunday.

More controversially, he writes,

In politics, similarly, what was likely to be a slow-motion leftward shift, as the less-married, less-religious, more ethnically diverse younger generation gained more power, is being accelerated nationally by the catastrophes of the Trump administration

I think Ross needs to get out more, virtually if not physically. I doubt that the times are a-changin’ as fast as the Times is.

It does not seem to me that the younger generation is ready for power. The most visible young activists are too arrogant, tyrannical, and ideologically crazed to govern. Look at their performance in Seattle. What is the probability that the whole country gives way to that?

My guess is that whether Biden wins, loses, or draws in November, the young progressives will stir chaos. But their behavior will mostly serve to galvanize their opponents.

Evolutionary roots of cooperation

A commenter points to John Tooby, Leda Cosmides, and Michael E. Price (2006)

We think that human evolutionary history has equipped the human mind with specialized psychological adaptations designed to realize gains in trade that occur both in 2-party exchanges and in n-party exchanges, including collective actions. We believe that the specific characteristics of these mechanisms (e.g. cheater detection circuits) reflect the ancestrally recurrent structure of these adaptive problems (the existence of payoffs to cheating). . .we
think that many of the ‘irrational’ behavioral expressions of these mechanisms (such as voting behavior or donating blood) will come to be recognized as engineering byproducts of these functional designs when they are activated outside of the ancestral envelope of conditions for which they were designed.

Later:

the greater the number of participants is, the greater the comparative advantage of conservatively perpetuating pre-existing arrangements will be, however beneficial or flawed those pre-existing arrangements were.

Because it is difficult to foster cooperation among large numbers of people, we rightly seek to preserve systems that work.

We feel pleasure upon becoming a valued member of a group, satisfaction in its creation and successes, and sadness at its dissipation.

Think of finding a job or losing a job.

Still later:

we think that the human mind contains an evolved, functionally specialized motivational mechanism that, when exposed to a situation of personal exploitation, generates a punitive sentiment toward the agent that is deriving an unfair advantage in an exchange

Hence the furor over “price gouging.”

Punitive strategists switch on the productive possibilities of the groups they are in, unleashing collective efforts that would otherwise be inhibited by the presence of free riders. This happens because the presence of punitive strategists in potential exchange interactions repels free riders, causing them either to avoid such interactions or to become (facultatively, in the presence of punitive strategists) behavioral cooperators. Because free riders avoid punitive strategists, punitive strategists will far more often find themselves in groups without free riders

Many people feel sentiments according to the following social exchange logic: I will give up the benefits of violating this moral rule if others in my social world do. If I followed the rule, and you did not, I have been cheated by you. The more others cheat on a rule I follow, the more exploited I feel, and the more tempted I am to discontinue following the rule when it is costly to do so

The Harald Uhlig matter

John Cochrane writes eloquently.

neither Krugman, nor most of the twitter mob, nor the AEA have the beginning of a leg to stand on for a charge that Harald’s tone is way out of line. Yet Harald’s are the first tweets to receive public reprimand from the sitting president of the American Economic Association.

The whole post is a must-read, in my opinion. Cochrane goes on to cite an AEA code of conduct, which reads in part

Economists have a professional obligation to conduct civil and respectful discourse in all forums.

As Cochrane points out, Paul Krugman is a persistent violator of this. I would add that Joseph Stiglitz is, also.

These are bad times in the intellectual world. In the near term, I see nothing that will stop things from getting worse.

The NYT purge

Ross Douthat writes (link goes to the AEI web site),

But part of the anti-racism movement is seeking much more than just changes to policing. It’s interested in spiritual renewal and consciousness raising — something evident from the revivalism of so many protests in the last week — and its capacious definitions of racism imply, in the end, not reform but re-education, not interracial dialogue but strict white deference, not a liberal society groping toward equality but a corrupt society being re-engineered.

. . .it was the liberal New York Times that hired me and supported me, the liberal New York Times that encouraged James Bennet to build a genuinely diverse and fractious Op-Ed page, and it was the successor ideology’s advance inside this paper that incited the controversy that unjustly cost my friend and former boss his job. So now, in whatever struggle looms for the future of this institution, it’s this conservative’s hope that the liberal New York Times will win.

So Douthat’s response to the purge was to submit a column rather than a resignation.

In the 1950s and 1960s, the United States had an intense anti-Communist movement bent on discovering and purging every former and suspected Communist sympathizer it could find. The excesses of anti-Communism caused real harm, particularly considering the feebleness of the threat posed by the Communist Party in this country at that time.

In contemporary America, we have an intense anti-racist movement bent on discovering and purging every former and suspected racist sympathizer it can find. The excesses of anti-racism cause real harm, particularly considering the feebleness of the threat posed by racists in this country today.

I go back to what I wrote 18 months ago.

I appreciate living in a society where any widespread movement by colleges or corporations to demonstrate “commitment to Christianity” or to mandate “Jesus training” would be vomited out of the system. That’s what I think should happen to “commitment to inclusion” and “diversity training.”

I feel the same way about organizational “position statements” proclaiming their commitment to racial justice. If we had fanatical Christians running around intimidating everybody, then these organizations would be issuing position statements proclaiming their commitment to Jesus.

UPDATE: A reader recommends this Andrew Sullivan essay, which voices similar sentiments.

Robin Hanson on epistemology

Robin Hanson writes,

Just as our distant ancestors were too gullible about their sources of knowledge on the physical world around them, we today are too gullible on how much we can trust the many experts on which we rely. Oh we are quite capable of skepticism about our rivals, such as rival governments and their laws and officials. Or rival professions and their experts. Or rival suppliers within our profession. But without such rivalry, we revert to gullibility, at least regarding “our” prestigious experts who follow proper procedures.

On a recommendation from the redoubtable John Alcorn, I am reading Hugo Mercier’s Not Born Yesterday. Mercier claims that we have evolved not to be gullible. Otherwise, we would be taken advantage of and not survive.

Incidentally, if I tell you that you are not gullible, how gullible do you have to be to believe me? To not believe me?

I think Mercier relies quite a bit on a distinction between cheap talk and actionable beliefs (he terms these “reflective beliefs” and “intuitive beliefs,” respectively, which I find unhelpful). He says that the implausible beliefs that we hold, which make us seem gullible, are in the cheap talk category–we don’t act as if we deeply believe them. When we need to act, we make the effort to sort out truth. Libertarian economics would predict that political choices are based on cheap talk and consumer choices are based on actionable beliefs.

Epistemological Wisdom

1. Michael Huemer writes,

I started thinking about other very important, general epistemological lessons. Lessons that most human beings have not gotten, which has led to lots of other errors. So here’s one; this probably wouldn’t be a good single sentence to leave to the future (since it requires further explanation), but it’s still one of the most important facts of epistemology: Your priors are too high.

Equivalently, he writes

Almost all beliefs require evidence, and they require a lot of it. Way more than you’re thinking.

One consequence of “your priors are too high” is that your mind is too hard to change.

2. Edward R. Dougherty writes,

Four conditions must be satisfied to have a valid scientific theory: (1) There is a mathematical model expressing the theory. (2) Precise relationships, known as “operational definitions,” are specified between terms in the theory and measurements of corresponding physical events. (3) There are validating data: there is a set of future quantitative predictions derived from the theory and measurements of corresponding physical events. (4) There is a statistical analysis that supports acceptance of the theory, that is, supports the concordance of the predictions with the physical measurements—including the mathematical theory justifying the application of the statistical methods.

The theory must be expressed in mathematics because science involves relations between measurable quantities and mathematics concerns such relations. There must also be precise relationships specified between a theory and corresponding observations; otherwise, the theory would not be rigorously connected to physical phenomena. Third, observations must confirm predictions made from the theory. Lastly, owing to randomness, concordance of theory and observation must be characterized statistically.

…Practically speaking, a leader need not know the mathematical particulars of a theory, but he must understand the validation process: what predictions are derived from the theory and to what extent have those predictions agreed with observations?

This is not to argue that leadership be confined to scientists and engineers, only that education include serious scientific, mathematical, and statistical courses. Certainly, one cannot expect good political leadership from someone ignorant of political philosophy, history, or economics, or from someone lacking the political skill to work productively amid differing opinions. The basic point is that good decision-making in a technical civilization requires fundamental knowledge of scientific epistemology.

…To validate a deterministic model, one can align the model and experiment with various initial states and check to see if predictions and observations agree. There might be some experimental variation, but in principle this can be reduced arbitrarily and slight disagreements ignored.

The situation with stochastic models is completely different. For a single initial condition, there are many destination states and these are described via the model by a probability distribution giving the likelihoods of ending up in different states. An experiment consists of many observation trajectories from a single initial state and the construction of a histogram giving the distribution of the experimental outcomes relative to that state. Validation concerns the degree of agreement between the theoretical, model-derived probability distribution and the data-derived histogram. Acceptance or rejection of the theory depends on some statistical test measuring the agreement between the two curves—and here it should be recognized that there is no universally agreed upon test.

…Confronting the problems of complexity, validation, and model uncertainty, I have previously identified four options for moving ahead: (1) dispense with modeling complex systems that cannot be validated; (2) model complex systems and pretend they are validated; (3) model complex systems, admit that the models are not validated, use them pragmatically where possible, and be extremely cautious when interpreting them; (4) strive to develop a new and perhaps weaker scientific epistemology.14

The first option would entail not dealing with key problems facing humanity, and the second, which seems popular, at least implicitly, is a road to mindless and potentially dangerous tinkering. Option three is risky because it requires operating in the context of scientific ignorance; but used conservatively with serious thought, it may allow us to deal with critical problems. Moreover, option three may facilitate productive thinking in the direction of option four, a new epistemology that maintains a rigorous formal relationship between theory and phenomena.

3. https://slatestarcodex.com/2020/05/18/coronalinks-5-18-20-when-all-you-have-is-a-hammer-everything-starts-looking-like-a-dance/

Martin Gurri on social epistemology

In a new essay, Martin Gurri writes,

Post-truth, as I define it, signifies a moment of sharply divergent perspectives on every subject or event, without a trusted authority in the room to settle the matter. A telling symptom is that we no longer care to persuade. We aim to impose our facts and annihilate theirs, a process closer to intellectual holy war than to critical thinking.

He and I are going to try to do a podcast on the topic, since I have also been interested in it.

On culture and consciousness

A commenter wrote,

During good times culture dominates but under stressful periods consciousness dominates

Interesting how this seems like the complete flip of Scott Alexander’s thrive/survive model of progressive/conservative political minds. Oddly both models seem to make sense. Maybe I’m making a false equivalence

During good times the society should keep doing what it has been doing. When it is stressed, it may be better off trying something different.

I think that Scott is looking at things from an individual’s point of view. The conservative individual is biased toward sticking with the tried and true, on the theory that things could be worse. The progressive individual is biased toward novelty, on the theory that things could be better.

One can link the two notions by suggesting that in good times the society does best by relying on conservatives, while in times of stress it may do better relying on progressives.

I would rather not think in terms of personality types. My philosophy of risk taking is to take risks that have high upside and low downside and avoid risks that have high downside and low upside. That philosophy sometimes favors novelty and sometimes doesn’t.

Contemporary socialism

Nathan Pinkoski writes,

American socialism offers an alternative explanation of the classical theme of economic inequality, why some are wealthy and others are not. Under the logic of traditional socialism, class is the barrier to economic prosperity. If class were eliminated, then wider prosperity would be possible. But if the struggle is to equalize minorities, the principal barriers to economic prosperity are now sexism, racism, xenophobia, and homophobia.

…The new villain is not the bourgeois, but the white heterosexual American Christian male.

…there is only one vanguard, the “woke.” To enforce unanimity, the vanguard deploys its activists, media-adjuncts, and ultimately the power of the state not to persuade but to destroy opponents. The vanguard seeks to destroy rather than to persuade because persuasion involves compromise with those who have reservations about some of particular practical goals of the moral crusade, as well as self-examination about the whole theoretical basis for the moral crusade. The upshot of these hesitations is to risk falling back unto mere reformism, giving up the revolutionary passion. The vanguard cannot allow this. A revolution permits no obstacles, delays, or scruples.