Academics who are less attached to rigor

UPDATE: a commenter points out that the survey was not very trustworthy.]

Glenn Geher writes,

Relatively conservative professors valued academic rigor and knowledge advancement more than did relatively liberal professors.

Relatively liberal professors valued social justice and student emotional well-being more so than did relatively conservative professors.

Professors identifying as female also tended to place relative emphasis on social justice and emotional well-being (relative to professors who identified as male).

Business professors placed relative emphasis on knowledge advancement and academic rigor while Education professors placed relative emphasis on social justice and student emotional well-being.

Regardless of these other factors, relatively agreeable professors tend to place higher emphasis on social justice and emotional well-being of students.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen (see the Rolf link). See also Sumantra Maitra.

This relates to what I call the Road to Sociology in economics. The economics profession is rapidly increasing its number of females and also rapidly moving to the left. This is not a coincidence.

Thoughts on our media environment

1. Signal vs. noise. What draws our attention? Think of two dimensions: threats vs. positive developments; sudden vs. gradual. We seem to be most attractive to the sudden and to the threat. A hurricane is a great story for the media. The way that our houses have become stronger and more secure is not a great story.

2. As L.M. Sacasas put it, we combine the most stressful aspects of the pre-literate oral village and modern anonymous society.

We are thrust once more into a live, immediate, and active communicative context — the moment regains its heat — but we remain without the non-verbal cues that sustain meaning-making in such contexts. We lose whatever moderating influence the full presence of another human being before us might cast on the passions the moment engendered. This not-altogether-present and not-altogether-absent audience encourages a kind of performative pugilism.

The “other” is in our face, but is not fully present.

Malinvestment by the wealthy

Willis Krumholz writes,

The scale of the funding disparities between trendy arts and envi­ronmental charities, on the one hand, and humanitarian charities, on the other, can be staggering. For instance, one popular nonprofit, the Community Center for the Arts, had $268,158 back in 2000, but its assets grew to $40 million just seven years later—an increase of nearly 15,000 percent. Likewise, environmental charities have also seen stunning growth: in 1997, the Jackson Hole Land Trust had $3.9 million in assets, but by 2014 it had $22.5 million. Meanwhile, the Latino Resource Center, a prominent human services organization, had $355,452 in assets in 2014, a relatively modest increase from the $126,438 it had in 2005—giving it roughly 1 percent of the assets held by some of the more fashionable conservation and arts charities.

This is from a review essay of Billionaire Wilderness: The Ultra-Wealthy and the Remaking of the American West, by Justin Farrell. The book sounds interesting.

The non-profit sector is much over-rated in our society. Non-profits seduce young employees with the intention heuristic–the mission of the organization must be good, since it does not seek profit. But non-profit status is mainly a way to avoid accountability to customers. The only accountability is to donors.

I wish that the only non-profits that we had were those dedicated to helping poor people take care of basic needs and obtain education and training. If I were king, I would get rid of the non-profit status for universities, environmental groups, and other organizations that employ and serve the affluent.

A reproductive fact to ponder

Alex Gendler writes,

When the first Homo sapiens arrived in Europe forty-five thousand years ago as rela­tively egalitarian hunter-gatherers, about three women reproduced for every man. But with the advent of agriculture, this changed drastically. The need to secure territory and a complex division of labor created highly stratified societies in which a relatively small number of men could monopolize the land, resources, and power needed to support and maintain families. By about 6000 BC, the ratio of females reproducing versus males had risen to a staggering seven­teen to one, and in the Middle Ages a single leader like Genghis Khan or Augustus the Strong could father hundreds of children. Indeed, polygamy has long been the norm in many societies around the world, and even where it has been banned by law, the tendency of high-status men to cycle through successive younger wives and mistresses has long meant that it continued in practice. Recent centu­ries have seen a more reasonable reproductive ratio of four to one, but no matter how you slice it, the fact remains that of all the men who have ever lived, the majority of them have left no trace in the human gene pool.

He claims,

in a broader sense, war has functioned as a disposal mechanism for a society’s excess men.

. . .The same logic that keeps women and their sexuality under jealous guard and treats them as a prize to be awarded is also what casts the majority of men into a Hobbesian struggle for that prize—ensuring continued reproduction of a social order gov­erned by a predominantly male elite. Contrary to both traditionalist conservative myth and popular feminist narrative, for most of history patriarchy was not a privilege one benefited from simply by being born male, but a brutal racket in which millions of men destroyed each other and the world around them for the benefit of a fortunate few.

Gendler offers an interesting analysis of the problem of superfluous men, and he offers the usual American Affairs swipe at “neoliberalism,” but he does not really suggest any solutions.

But I wonder if our current social unrest can be ascribed to male childlessness. Is there not also a trend toward female childlessness, and are its implications not at least as serious?

The decentralized religion that persecutes heretics

Eric Kaufmann writes,

Viewing wokeness as a highly decentered liberal religion helps us understand the movement’s extremism, its witch hunts, and its awakenings. It explains why high-status people and elite institutions mouth its mantras, why its moderates can’t stand up to its fundamentalists, and why it is both the product of, and an engine of, polari­zation.

It is a powerful essay, difficult to excerpt. One of his themes is that liberalism may have once been a set of principles, but it is now a quasi-religious identity. Another theme is that a decentralized religion tends toward radicalism, as extremists “outbid” moderates in the contest for emotional support from those who identify with the religion.

At this point, I am going to call this the best essay I have read this year.

By the way, American Affairs is the publisher of the essay. This journal does publish some real nuggets. But it also publishes a lot of essays that toss around “neoliberal” and “market fundamentalist” as epithets. Also, it has a paywall that kicks in after one article (I think), so you have to choose carefully when to click through to read. Note that I have a couple of forthcoming posts that reference other interesting essays, but I do not recommend those essays as highly as Kaufmann’s.

Our culture war in historical perspective

Michael Lind writes,

In addition to the “Deep State,” other national institutions that the neo-Jacksonians of the New Deal coalition never conquered in their revolution against Yankeedom include the major nonprofit foundations like Ford and Rockefeller and the Ivy League universities. The culture of what might be called the NGO-academic-spook complex remained deeply rooted in the Social Gospel wing of Northern mainline Protestantism of the early 1900s.

The Social Gospel progressivism these institutions have long embraced is a Janus-faced tradition. One face is technocratic, holding that social and global conflicts, rather than reflecting the tragic nature of human existence, are “problems” which can be “solved” by nonpartisan experts guided by something called “social science.” The other face of Social Gospelism is irrational, and rooted in post-millennial Protestant theology convinced that we are on the verge of a world of peace and prosperity, if only wicked people at home and wicked regimes abroad can be crushed once and for all.

People in this tradition will tell you that the virus would go away if the wicked would only “listen to the scientists.”

Pointer from a commenter. I recommend the entire essay. In fact, I recommend Tablet in general. I have signed up for their newsletter.

Data on the black family

Erol Ricketts writes,

What is strikingly different in 1950 is that blacks overtake whites in their level of urbanization. After 1950, blacks become more urbanized than whites, and they continue to urbanize. Whites de-urbanized after 1970. Blacks moved to the cities after World War II, en masse. And it is after this move that severe family-formation problems began to emerge. The data suggest that the clues to recent family-formation problems among blacks are to be found in the circumstances of black urbanization after 1950.

Pointer from John Alcorn. The data in the paper show that before 1950, marriage rates of black women were even higher than those of white women.

What happened to the black family?

This question is posed, and not answered, in the podcast in which Loury, McWhorter, Steele, and Steele discuss the latter’s Michael Brown documentary.

UPDATE: transcript of the conversation

Conservatives want to blame the War on Poverty and welfare programs. This story is exemplary normative sociology–the study of what you want the cause of a problem to be. The problem is that the dissolution of black families preceded the War on Poverty.

Loury points out that the black family was stronger in 1930 than in 1960. What happened in the meantime?

My thought is that what happened was the Great Migration of blacks from the rural south to the urban north. One can imagine that this produced a cultural shock that could have weakened marriages through a number of channels.

1. Lowering the status of the black matriarch. Your rejected your grandmother’s rural ways, so she could not apply moral pressure on you to follow marital norms.

2. Greater inequality among black males, weakening marriage. The poorer males are undesirable husbands, and the richer males have leverage to disdain monogamy.

3. Communities no longer church-centric, so that there is less social pressure to follow marital norms.

4. Availability of many more opportunities to have sex outside of marriage.

Trying to tell this migration story leads me to ask why a similar drift toward family breakdown did not occur among Italians, Irish, and others when they migrated in large numbers to the U.S. Perhaps they just had the good fortune to undertake these migrations in an earlier era. People who arrived between 1880 and 1930 had a very hard life, with little time to pursue sex outside of marriage. Also, this was before Freud and others had convinced people of the need to be less repressed about sex.

The state of the electorate

1. A fascinating interview with Democratic pollster David Schor, which you may have already seen. Hard to excerpt, but here is one:

some of the factors that traditionally have been theorized to make people more conservative as they age — having kids, getting married, etc. — are complicated. Fertility rates are substantially lower than they were 10 or 15 years ago, to the point where it is statistically important. And at the same time, the median age at first marriage is like a decade higher than it was 15 years ago. That means that Democrats have more time and can own a longer part of voters’ life cycles.

He does see the Democratic Party these days as the party of HEEs

2. Another hard-to-excerpt essay comes from James R. Rogers.

Conservative market-skeptics engage in wishful thinking that Republicans can win without traditional commitment to a relative emphasis on markets in a mixed economy and on tax cuts.

. . .Trumpists do not currently own the Republican Party. The American Party/Know Nothing faction continues to represent about a third of the party. It’s been that way for decades. It is a sizeable fraction. But it is not a majority. Because there is nowhere else to go, it is, largely, a dependable component of the Republican coalition, and will continue to be so.

I look at the Republican Party somewhat differently. To me, the anti-establishment vote looms as more significant than it seems to appear to Rogers.

In 2024, the Republicans will face a challenge. If they don’t praise Mr. Trump, they risk de-motivating his supporters. If they do praise Mr. Trump, they risk motivating those who hate him. The Democrats face a similar problem with their far-left supporters, but I think it will be easier for them to get away with ambiguity, as Mr. Biden had done.

What I’m reading

1. The Murder of Professor Schlick, by David Edmonds. It tells the tale of the Vienna Circle, a group of positivist philosophers. Edmonds describes their attempt to develop a philosophy of scientific rigor against a backdrop of reactionary anti-Semitism. One excerpt:

Jews were the most loyal of Habsburg subjects. Certainly Popper, and Circle members, saw the Habsburg era through rose-tinted, rearview glasses. After World War I they felt that the Jews stood out: in the golden age of the empire it was different: everyone stood out.

Austria was much smaller than the former empire, and whereas other minorities were prominent under the Habsburgs, in Austria it was mainly the Jews that were noticeable.

1930s Austria and contemporary America are similar in that those who favor rigorous thinking find our ideas attacked on ethnic grounds (for being Jewish then, for being white now). One difference is that back then the Vienna Circle was mostly socialist and the attacks came from the right. Today, the attacks come from the socialist left.

2. Trust in a Polarized Age, by Kevin Vallier. I agree with the substance of this book. But the manner in which it is written serves as a reminder that academia and I were not meant for one another. An excerpt:

We cannot determine which reasons are intelligible without appealing to some form of idealization. A person can have an intelligible reason even if she does not affirm the reason at present. An intelligible reason is one that an agent is rationally entitled to affirm after some amount of reasoning, which includes the collection of information, and making proper inferences based on that information.

I ascribe intelligible reasons to persons based on the reasons they would affirm as their own if they were moderately idealized. Moderately idealized agents correspond to real persons, but they have reflected enough to respond to considerations that we would hold them responsible for ignoring. In this way, moderate idealization appeals to standards of information and inference that are not perfect but that are appropriate to our practice of responsibility. This, in turn, supplies the reasons on which trust and trustworthiness may be based, since the practice of trust and trustworthiness is a practice of responsibility.

This is the sort of prose that academics are obliged to read–and to write. I feel fortunate to have “failed” in my youthful attempt at such a career.

3. The World of Patience Gromes, by Scott C. Davis. Recommended by Glenn Loury. It is a great book, and it was very inexpensive on Kindle. Davis did extensive research to describe the evolution of a black neighborhood in Richmond where Davis worked as an anti-poverty volunteer in the early 1970s.