Soon to be canceled?

Ross Douthat writes,

Are we living through a decisive turn from a liberal culture to an authoritarian “successor ideology” (as conservatives and some liberals fear) or a long-awaited reckoning with white supremacy and and patriarchy and inequality (as many progressives hope)?

. . .My bet is still on the second scenario, stultifying but sustainable, rather than the revolution in full. But then again I haven’t personally experienced a Full Cancellation yet.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen.

When Douthat says “yet,” I sense that he believes he could be next. And that is why he started writing on substack.

Shorter Martin Gurri

A reader asks,

How would you encapsulate Martin’s thesis?

1. Starting around 2000, the amount of information on the Internet doubles in a year. If that goes on for ten years, there would have been 420 one thousand times the information in 2010 as in 2000. Even if that number is imprecise (and it has to be imprecise), there is way more information out there than there used to be. The increase is staggering.

2. 20th-century elites and institutions relied on having a much less chaotic and engulfing information environment. Politicians, journalists, and academics now are overwhelmed by: (a) what they don’t know that others do know. Think of citizens using cell phones to cover events sooner and more completely than paid journalists; and (b) by the amount that others know about them that they used to able to keep secret. Think of President Kennedy trying to get away with his sexual escapades today.

3. The elites cannot accept the new reality that there is so much information that they cannot control. They see new competitors as illegitimate (“fake news”) and they blame others for elites’ loss of status and respect.

4. The general public is frustrated by the arrogance of the elites, and they have the means to assemble revolts. This has happened everywhere, from the Arab Spring to the Yellow Vests to the January 6 riot. These revolts have no organization and so they end up not accomplishing much.

5. Society requires authority. But the existing authorities can seemingly do nothing other than hope for a return to the 20th century when they had closer to a monopoly on information. And they seem to be completely incapable of dealing with the digital world. They cannot operate at Internet speed (it takes the bureaucracy too long to react to events) or at Internet scale (the Obamacare web site fiasco).

6. Maybe a new generation of elites and/or institutions will emerge that is more adept at dealing with technology and sufficiently humble to deal with a situation in which information is more dispersed than it was last century.

Rauch v. NOP, rd. 2

Both have recommendations for how politics should pivot after Trump. Scott Alexander writes,

He didn’t use the word “class”. But he captured the idea. He implicitly understood that there was some kind of difference between the average working-class voter and the sorts of people who set trends in the media, academia, government, et cetera. His message – which he never put into words, but which came across clearly anyway – was “you working-class people should hate and fear the upper class, and I’m on your side”.

Whenever an upper-class institution tried to make him admit that they were the experts and he should bow to them, he spat in their faces instead. This was terrible; he spat in the faces of epidemiologists trying to tell him about an epidemic! But it sent his message loud and clear – just as South African populist Thabo Mbeki denied HIV/AIDS partly as a way of spitting in the face of the rich white countries who wanted him not to.

Consciously embracing the project of fighting classism would let future Republican politicians replicate Trump’s appeal without having to stoop to his tactics.

Jonathan Rauch writes,

professionals often define integrity in large measure by the conduct they disallow — in themselves and in others. A professional intelligence analyst does not spin his findings politically. A professional journalist does not invent sources. A professional scientist does not monkey with data. A professional accountant does not allow a CEO to cook the books. A professional police officer does not allow a partner to plant evidence. A professional lawyer does not permit a client to break the law.

…Professionals are thus the first, and often the only, line of defense against predatory elites who seek to abuse or circumvent institutional safeguards. That is why demagogic populism is, among other things, fundamentally a war on professionalism. It is why opportunists and rogue operators are so keen to push professionals aside. It is why devaluing and corrupting professionalism is a profound danger to a democracy.

I read Number One Pick as saying that the Republican Party should re-brand itself as the party of everyone who is not in the white-collar professional class. Meanwhile, Rauch is suggesting that we need to praise white-collar professionals, not bury them.

NOP and Rauch may not be as far apart as this makes them seem. They are both never-Trumpers. I imagine they both respect true expertise. I gather that both are wary of progressive ideological know-it-alls.

Rauch wants professional politicians and bureaucrats to earn enough respect so that amateurs defer to them. He treats both progressive ideologues and populist demagogues as meddling amateurs.

I think that NOP is posting too much. Maybe he thinks that the money he is getting from subscriptions means that he should work harder on his blog. I would rather he stick to posts where he is thinking in bets. The sociological analysis in this post is nothing you cannot find in Coming Apart or, for that matter, Bobos in Paradise.

Nonetheless, I am inclined to give the W to NOP. While NOP’s proposals for the Republicans are romantic and highly improbable, they are not beyond all realm of possibility. On the other hand, what Rauch’s proposals boil down to saying that if we can click our heels three times and repeat “There’s no place like home,” we can go back to 1985. He desperately needs to read Martin Gurri in order to understand 21st-century reality.

Cultural Brain Hypothesis

Michael Muthukrishna wrote,

One key insight from cultural evolution is that our behaviour is rarely a function of causal understanding. Cultural evolution explains how our species creates and thrives in a world too complicated for any of us to understand. For at least the last 50,000 years and probably longer, we have lived in a world of accumulated technology, know-how, and ways of thinking that surpass the abilities of even the smartest among us—cumulative culture. Our lack of causal understanding is masked by an illusion of explanatory depth; we assume we understand and have reasonable causal models for our beliefs, behaviours, and technology. That illusion is shattered only when we’re asked to explain specifics. For example, you may have some sense that you understand: (a) how a flushing toilet works, until you’re asked how the water flushes everything away and returns to the same level. . .All of this is to quickly illustrate that the world is not only complicated, but even more complicated than our psychology allows us to believe. Instead, our beliefs and behaviours are shaped by our incentives and by those around us. We prefer to believe things that align with our self-interest and we internalise the beliefs and copy the behaviours of those who are successful or those who others copy. As this process filters beliefs and behaviours over generations, most people acquire the accumulated package of past successes, and so conforming to the majority also becomes a successful strategy. [links omitted]

. . .In the cacophony of opinions on the COVID-19 crisis, how do people deploy their many social learning strategies to decide whom to listen to? How do we identify who has relevant expertise if we’re listening to experts at all? Are the learning strategies themselves learned? What is the role of trust, costly and sincerity displays? And how does a psychology evolved for vicarious information acquisition with little direct access to the truth, nor sufficient causal models, interact with a world in which evidence is easily manufactured and electronically disseminated? How do we decide which fact checkers to trust and how do we know what is and isn’t so?[again, links omitted]

I put it this way: We engage in behaviors and hold beliefs without understanding why we behave the way we behave or why we believe what we believe. This is not a failure of rationality. It is the human condition.

Cultures are preserved because humans are copiers. Cultures differ because we do not all copy the same people. Cultures evolve because copying is imperfect, people innovate, and changes in the competitive environment cause some cultural practices to become extinct and others to survive.

I recommend gorging yourself on Muthukrishna. My first taste was on The Podcast Browser, who also recommends Muthukrishna talking with The Dissenter.

Of the many links in the essay above, I followed one on the topic of innovation, by Muthukrishna and Joseph Henrich.

Our societies and social networks act as collective brains. Individuals connected in collective brains, selectively transmitting and learning information, often well outside their conscious awareness, can produce complex designs without the need for a designer—just as natural selection does in genetic evolution. The processes of cumulative cultural evolution result in technologies and techniques that no single individual could recreate in their lifetime, and do not require its beneficiaries to understand how and why they work ([12]; electronic supplementary material, for further discussion). Such cultural adaptations appear functionally well designed to meet local problems, yet they lack a designer.

. . .By our account, IQ is a measure of access to a population’s stock of know-how, techniques, tools, tricks and so on, that improve abilities, skills and ways of thinking important to success in a WEIRD world. IQ tests are useful as a measure of cultural competence, which may require cultural learning (and there may be differences in this), but not as a universal test of ‘intelligence’ as a generalized abstract problem-solving ability. The Flynn effect (for recent meta-analyses, see [141,142]) describes the steady increase in mean IQ since IQ tests were developed, approximately three points per decade. If taken at face value, then the Flynn effect renders large proportions of previous generations barely functional, but by this account, the Flynn effect becomes a measure of increased mean cultural complexity.

It’s a difficult paper to excerpt. Read the whole thing.

Martin Gurri watch

Megan McArdle writes (WaPo, paywalled),

The media’s pronouncements about fighting “misinformation” often sound perilously close to declaring that the common presumptions of a handful of major media outlets should define the bounds of accepted truth for everyone. That’s both arrogant and impossible, and I don’t blame anyone for recoiling. But I do question those who have reacted by casually (and publicly!) suggesting that they’ll use their entrepreneurial mojo to destroy journalism and replace it with something better.

She refers to discussions on Clubhouse. I have observed the same thing. In fact, her description of Clubhouse as like a big conference with lots of panel discussions going on fits with my experience.

In rooms discussing media where tech people are on the panel, the tech people complain about journalists of having abandoned objectivity. In rooms with mainstream media on the panel, the journalists complain about consumer having abandoned tradition news outlets for social media and fake news. I see both sides as trying to click their heels together three times, hoping to be transported back to the 20th century. I want to shake everyone by the collar and make them read Martin Gurri’s Revolt of the Public, or at least his essay about the NYT.

As an aside, Bret Weinstein seems to have observed more dramatically the militant black-power element that first struck me (Dick Gregory’s Clubhouse).

Also, listen to Heather Heying’s take in the podcast with Bret. I personally place her above Bret in my FITs rankings. Bret reminds me of the story I read about the KC quarterback in the Super Bowl racking up 497 yards behind the line of scrimmage, running back and forth to try to evade defenders. She instead runs straight at you. I would draft her to pick up some W’s.

As another aside, room population size on Clubhouse is a great illustration of an autocatalytic process. The more people who are drawn to a room, the more additional people will be drawn. If you have only a handful of people in the room, you are going to be stuck at a low level. If you have close to 1000, you room will keep growing. That is because of the way the “feed” algorithm works. You get alerted when people you follow are in a room. So if 1000 people are in a room, it is much more likely that one of them is someone I follow than if the room has only 5 people. In addition, other things equal it seems that the algorithm shows rooms in population-size order. So if I am just scrolling through the rooms, the first one I see will be the one with the most people.

I can easily imagine a dynamic where if someone with thousands of followers leaves room A and goes to room B, then room A pretty much empties out and room B fills up. This could be regardless of what the panel discussion is like in room A vs. room B.

Liberals facing left-wing extremism

Matt Yglesias writes (WaPo, paywalled),

By all means, let’s dispense with the frustrating and at times hypocritical meta-debate about “free speech” (in the context of racism) and “cancel culture.” But the newly fashionable anti-racist thinking contains a mix of good ideas and bad ones — including some that are dangerously counterproductive for the people they are intended to help. Bland agreement that “racism is bad” does not suffice when racism is reconceptualized as an abstract attribute of policies and systems, as opposed to bigoted individual behaviors. Understanding complicated social phenomena is difficult. Solving social problems, almost all of which involve race, is contentious. Liberals can’t respond by ceding huge swaths of the political landscape to the hardcore right — or to whichever activist happens to have most loudly proclaimed their own anti-racism.

My thoughts.

1. He doesn’t come out against Critical Race Theory and such with both guns blazing. He is trying to coax his fellow liberals toward a more skeptical point of view. But that means he spends most of the piece gesturing toward liberals, and comparatively little time exposing CRT dogma and emotional blackmail. I cannot help but see this as a sign of weakness.

2. As an analogy with how CRT affects liberals, consider the position in which Mr. Trump puts conservatives. I encourage fellow conservatives to be critical of Mr. Trump’s management capabilities and to reject his “stolen election” stance. On the latter point, I am all for a bipartisan commission to suggest best practices for the conduct of elections, but the 2020 election was over when the states declared it was over.

Still, I did not come out with both guns blazing against Mr. Trump’s abusive behavior toward various people and institutions. And most professional Republican politicians are afraid to go even as far as I have.

I watched on YouTube part of Mr. Trump’s speech at CPAC the other day, in which he displayed his extreme narcissism (every other sentence was “the greatest ever”), bullying (“little Ben Sasse”), and truth-bending. I found the crowd’s response, shouting “We love you!” and the like, to be much more frightening than the Capitol Hill Riot. Sycophants in suits are scarier than crashers in costumes.

All this is something that we should bear in mind when judging Yglesias.

3. Still, I think there is something different about the inability of liberals to deal with CRT. In the case of Republicans and Trump, politicians see a need to avoid appearing to criticize Mr. Trump’s supporters. Not being a politician, I can speak more freely. While I mostly respect Mr. Trump’s supporters, I am not going to pretend to like everything that they do.

I don’t think that is going on with liberals and CRT. It isn’t that liberals are catering to radicals merely in order to hang on to a constituency. I think liberals have a genuine emotional need to affiliate with the radicals. In that regard, Shelby Steele’s White Guilt gets closer to explaining the dynamic. Liberals want to support any cause that marches under the banner of Civil Rights. Like allowing men who identify as female to compete with women in athletic events.

4. Another factor is that conservatives stand with existing institutions. Liberals believe that if rational analysis shows that existing institutions are not perfect, then at the very least they must be reformed and at most they should be torn down altogether and replaced. Hence, conservatism by its nature is against radicalism, while liberalism by its nature treats radicalism with some sympathy. The net result is that conservatives recoiled from the January 6 riot, while liberals did not recoil against the BLM riots. Even though one could make a case that the latter did more lasting and significant damage.

5. I think that liberals’ fear of Mr. Trump and his supporters becomes exaggerated. Building up this fear became the business model of the liberal press. I thought that this fear was hysterical from the very beginning.

6. I do not think that my concerns with the social justice movement are a comparable over-reaction. I think that those concerns are justified. If my perspective is correct, then the Yglesias piece falls short of spelling out to liberals the seriousness of the fire they are playing with.

Bret Stephens (NYT, paywall) writes,

All of this has left many of the traditional gatekeepers of liberal institutions uncertain, timid and, in many cases, quietly outraged. This is not the deal they thought they struck. But it’s the deal they’re going to get until they recover the courage of their liberal convictions.

That comes closer to what I would have liked to see from Yglesias.

Status and power

Gertjan Steede writes,

status is, first and foremost, something that we claim, give and receive in everyday interaction. As a result, a status hierarchy develops in society and in every group within society. Depending on the group’s activities, that hierarchy could be more or less obvious. It will simultaneously be expressed in all kinds of currency: kindness, power, beauty, skill, daring, money – to name a few. I am claiming status by writing this blog, and if you read it to the end, you are giving me status.

While status is about voluntary acts, power is about everything that people coerce one another into. We use power when we receive status insults, or if we have learned that this is a good way of obtaining what we want.

. . .In fact, we people play the status-power game all our lives. If something “gives us energy”, it means it gives us status. We like those whom we can count on to give status to us. In contrast, we long to give status to those we love. We claim status, by being nice or showing off. The status-power game is our life. We do nothing else.

Read the whole post. I think his concepts of status and power map to the distinction between a prestige hierarchy and a dominance hierarchy that I learned from Joseph Henrich.

The post also supports my intuition that people turn to dominance moves when they cannot attain status through prestige. Regulating other people’s speech is an example.

Rationalist epistemology

Tom Chivers writes,

According to Paul [Crowley], the thing that distinguishes a cause from a cult is when it becomes taboo to criticise the cult.

From The Rationalist’s Guide to the Galaxy, p. 191

This leads to the following train of thought.

1. Good thinkers engage with ideas that question their beliefs. Bad thinkers instead engage in emotional blackmail against those who would question their beliefs.

2. Of course (1) is an instance of emotional blackmail. The terms “good” and “bad” are emotionally loaded. This is reminiscent of Quine’s point that the claim that “propositions that cannot be tested against logic or observation are dogma” is itself a dogma. I am willing to say that “there is one example of emotional blackmail that is acceptable, and that is the insinuation that it is bad to otherwise use emotional blackmail.”

3. I am not against emotions. You should pay attention to your emotions and choose an appropriate response. Many years ago, I was playing a game in an Othello tournament and noticed myself feeling frustrated that the game was not quickly resolving itself in my favor. Your natural reaction is to become impatient. But instead you need to do the opposite. I noticed my emotions, stopped, thought a long time, and made a course-correcting move.

4. More deeply, I do not believe that we can rationally calculate our daily lives. This point is expressed very well by Moshe Koppel in his book Judaism Straight Up. You can find out more about the book here or here, although I don’t think either article gets quite to the heart of what Koppel is saying.

The way I put it is this: We engage in behaviors and hold beliefs without understanding why we behave the way we behave or why we believe what we believe. This is not a failure of rationality. It is the human condition.

5. If I were asked to reduce the criteria for a fantasy intellectual to just one, it would be something like “the ability to constructively deal with criticism of one’s beliefs.” Part of doing that is anticipating what a critic might say.

6. Unfortunately, colleges nowadays seem to teach the opposite. Countering criticism with rational arguments seems to be “out,” and emotional blackmail seems to be “in.”

On racism and racial disparities

1. Glenn Loury writes,

Anti-racism advocates, in effect, are daring you to notice that some groups send their children to elite colleges and universities in outsized numbers compared to other groups due to the fact that their academic preparation is magnitudes higher and better and finer. They are daring you to declare such excellence to be an admirable achievement. One isn’t born knowing these things. One acquires such intellectual mastery through effort. Why are some youngsters acquiring these skills and others not? That is a very deep and interesting question, one which I am quite prepared to entertain. But the simple retort, “racism”, is laughable—as if such disparities have nothing to do with behavior, with cultural patterns, with what peer groups value, with how people spend their time, with what they identify as being critical to their own self-respect. Anyone actually believing such nonsense is a fool, I maintain.

Pretty much every paragraph in the essay is as powerful as that.

This essay needs to escape the confines of Quillette and find its way to readers of the NYT and into schools of education.

Or is that hopeless?

2. John McWhorter writes,

Of a hundred fundamentalist Christians, how many do you suppose could be convinced via argument to become atheists? There is no reason that the number of people who can be talked out of the Third Wave Antiracism religion is any higher. As such, our concern must be how to continue with genuine progress in spite of this ideology. How do we work around it? How do we insulate people with good ideas from the influence of the Third Wave Antiracists’ liturgical concerns? How do we hold them off from influencing the education of our young people any more than they already have?

My interest is not “How do we get through to these people?” We cannot, at least not enough of them to matter. The question is “How can we can live graciously among them?” We seek change in the world, but for the duration will have to do so while encountering bearers of a gospel, itching to smoke out heretics, and ready on a moment’s notice to tar us as moral perverts.

Of all the essays I have read about the new anti-racism, McWhorter’s is my current favorite.

The masculine/feminine dimension in culture

The late Geert Hofstede wrote,

Masculinity describes a society in which emotional gender roles are clearly distinct – men are supposed to be assertive, tough and focused on material success, women are supposed to be more modest, tender and concerned with the quality of life – versus Femininity, a society in which emotional gender roles overlap – both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and concerned with the quality of life . . .The Masculinity/Femininity dimension is the only one of the four in which gender affects the scores: women on average score higher in Femininity than men

Lotta Stern pointed me to Hofstede’s work as relevant to my thoughts on emasculated culture. His work seems fascinating, and all of his cultural dimensions appear to be relevant to my distinction between the older culture and the newer culture. Here is his Wikipedia entry. Here is his web site, now maintained by Hofstede the younger.

Stern herself has written,

These differences between men and women in competitiveness, personality, IQ, and preferences are common findings in some parts of sociology and in neighboring fields. All of them are reported as stable results over time and contexts. Yet in sociological studies of labor market differences between men and women, they are ignored.

She points out that one can have a libertarian feminism that supports equal rights and opportunity for women without embracing the view that all inequalities in labor market outcomes between men and women ought to be eliminated.