Beyond ideology, revisited

My recent post beyond ideology seemed to annoy people more than I expected.

I see “level 3 thinking” as cultivating emotional detachment from your political beliefs. I argue for detachment in The Three Languages of Politics. That means that if I choose to adopt the conservative position on an issue, I take a charitable view of those who take a progressive position or a libertarian position. I don’t want to demonize opponents. I don’t want to get so defensive that I cannot appreciate that my views might be wrong or at least questionable.

Mis-measurement and Mis-leadership

My latest Medium essay, called Mis-Leadership and Metrics. An excerpt:

Instead of holding teachers accountable to a centralized statistical office, I believe that teacher evaluation should be undertaken by peers, principals, and parents. Test scores can be unreliable indicators for many reasons. Parents can readily assess whether a teacher is working conscientiously and effectively.

I have only started reading Nassim Taleb’s latest book, Skin in the Game. But I gather that he would make the point that when it comes to children’s education, parents have real skin in the game. If I allow my child to try to learn from a bad teacher, I suffer from that. If a bureaucratic system fails to remove a bad teacher, the designer of the system does not suffer consequences.

And of course I mention Jerry Muller’s book.

Beyond ideology

Nat Eliason wrote this essay. If you are a Medium subscriber, you can applaud for it here. A random excerpt:

You might say “but I don’t want to read political philosophy.” That’s fine, but then don’t pretend that you’re interested in politics. If you want to watch the news but you don’t want to read some John Rawls, then you don’t actually care about politics: you just like feeling outraged and talking to your friends about how stupid/brilliant Trump is.

Another random excerpt:

Emotional reactions to an idea indicate that you have a Level 1 or Level 2 ideology around that idea. If you feel any emotional pull to defend Democrats / Republicans / College / Christianity / Bitcoin / Crossfit / New Gender Pronouns / Income Inequality in the face of new information, that’s a sign that you’re at Level 1 or Level 2 thinking.

I had a positive emotional reaction to the essay. So perhaps I have not reached Level 3 in thinking about it.

A useful statement of Jordan Peterson’s worldview

I found this essay by Matthew Pirkowski the best articulation of Petersonism so far. It is focused on a theory of tyranny as derived from an unwillingness to face the uncertainty and inevitable difficulties that arise in life.

It is difficult to excerpt, but here is a taste:

One must ally with Courage to tolerate uncertainty in all its forms: suffering, randomness, chaos, and failure — to admit to oneself that these forces exist as inevitable features of the human experience. When one discovers new explanations for mismatches between one’s beliefs and one’s current reality, it requires Courage to actually test them in the world of actions, to confront uncertainty with new and unproven strategies.

Dave Rubin and the Weinstein Brothers

They talk for almost three hours, and you have to hang with it until the end to hear my three-axes model invoked by Eric Weinstein. His point is that libertarians will not be helpful if they (we?) deny that sometimes the other points of view are legitimate.

I met Eric at Foo camp, and I was hoping to get together with him a couple of weeks ago, but I had a snafu that messed up my travel. Until about a week ago, I had never connected him with Bret Weinstein, the professor who was at the center of the Evergreen State College controversy last May.

One of the interesting points that Eric makes early in the video is that in the United States we went from having 8 percent of the population pursue education beyond high school prior to World War II to close to 50 percent by 1970. That growth spurt created some major distortions in higher education. One can infer what those distortions included:

1. Some dilution of student quality. We have to be careful here, because prior to 1950, colleges were more selective on social class than academic ability. So what probably happened is that quality went up at the top schools. Where the dilution of quality was felt was more likely the mediocre institutions that expanded rapidly, notably mid-tier and lower-tier state schools.

2. A sort of phase change in the demand for new faculty toward the end of the 1970s. Until then, the demand for Ph.D’s soared. The system kept producing Ph.D’s as if demand would continue to rise at this unsustainable rate. By the 1980s, the attempt to maintain high demand for Ph.D’s starts to become dysfunctional, with universities creating pseudo-disciplines and superfluous administrative positions.

A lot of the discussion concerns the issue of orthodoxy vs. dissent. Recall that I wrote about Eliezer Yudkowski’s case that one should doubt oneself when defying orthodoxy. Eric Weinsten offers a different perspective on this. He says that the way to tell a cult from a group that pursues truth is that the cult will not tolerate any dissent. What is odd about our current environment is that it is the mainstream in many fields that is behaving like a cult, and it is a small group outside the mainstream that is open-minded.

In Specialization and Trade, I include the quote attributed to Andre Gide: trust those who seek the truth; doubt those who find it. By that standard, it is the mainstream that cannot be trusted. For example, both Eric and Bret argue there are rational reasons to fear anthropogenic climate change. But the mainstream climate scientists are acting in ways that make themselves untrustworthy to anyone alert to cult behavior.

The discussants take the view that journalism, academia, and major political parties are so cult-like at present that the future of humanity is in doubt. Our world is fragile, due to a combination of technological dangers and mainstream institutions that are insular and complacent.

The participants talk about a “Game B” that somehow enables institutional improvement. It all sounds a bit conspiratorial. Nassim Taleb would be an example of a Game B sort of intellectual. Is Jordan Peterson part of Game B? Perhaps. Is Donald Trump part of Game B? No, but his victory in part reflects the dysfunctionality and corruption of mainstream institutions.

Whether the current political environment redounds to the benefit of Game B is highly uncertain. Eric’s fear is that things could get really ugly for the Game B types. If you read my moonshot essay, you know which side I am on as an economist.

From Albion’s Seed to Colin Woodard

My latest essay covers David Hackett-Fischer, Walter Russell Mead, and Colin Woodard.

Fischer shows that each of these four cultures had a different concept of liberty. For the Puritans, it was “ordered freedom,” which meant the rule of law, but laws could reflect strict community standards and hence become “an instrument of savage persecution.” For the cavaliers, it was “hegemonic freedom,” which meant that individual rights were clearly articulated and strongly protected, but these rights varied by social class, so that they “permitted and even required the growth of race slavery.” For the Quakers, it was “reciprocal freedom,” which meant equality of all under the law, but theirs was “a sectarian impulse which could be sustained only by withdrawal from the world.” In the backcountry, it was “natural freedom,” which meant resistance to foreign influences (including government) but “sometimes dissolved into cultural anarchy.” The Constitution and the Bill of Rights can be viewed as a delicate compromise that attempted to incorporate these disparate notions.

Jordan Peterson and other public intellectuals

David Brooks writes,

In his videos, he analyzes classic and biblical texts, he eviscerates identity politics and political correctness and, most important, he delivers stern fatherly lectures to young men on how to be honorable, upright and self-disciplined — how to grow up and take responsibility for their own lives.

I have a few reasons for being less than fully bought into Peterson.

1. He is a spellbinding speaker but his first book, Maps of Meaning, was turgid. There is something disconcerting about the fact that his ideas seem to come across better in a format that allows for less editorial polishing. I noted this in December of 2016, when the Peterson tsunami was just forming.

2. Some of his ideas are mystical and sound really strange.

3. He gains some of his stature by attacking post-modernists who are intellectual weak, at least in the way that he presents them. For me, it is more impressive to take on stronger opponents than weaker ones.

He may now be over-rated by his fans on the right. But he is badly, badly, under-rated by smug leftists whose ability to understand opposing viewpoints pales in comparison with his.

Using the three-axes model, I put Peterson firmly in the conservative camp. He sees civilization as fragile and precious, and he is animated by the civilization vs. barbarism axis.

Rather than propose a list of public intellectuals that I think are influential, or important, or prominent, let me just list a few public intellectuals that I admire and trust, in the sense that I think that they really try to be careful to honor opposing viewpoints and try to avoid committing intellectual swindles.

–Jeffrey Friedman. Does he even count as a public intellectual? He is an intellectual, all right, but his writing is often steeped in academic jargon, and he is not a familiar figure, even to the highly-educated portion of the public. His journal, Critical Review, has pieces written by top minds, and yet his own contributions often tower over theirs.

–Steven Pinker. You can get a better education in the humanities by reading The Blank Slate than by taking any freshman humanities course at any university, I would bet.

–Tyler Cowen. Tyler has an unmatched ability to offer ideas that are surprising and original. He takes risks, sort of like an intellectual venture capitalist, if you will. Some of these start-ups don’t make it, but he picks enough winners to more than make up for the failures.

Friedman, Pinker, and Cowen all stand out for being non-tribal or even counter-tribal. They challenge and annoy their most likely allies, rather than offering a steady diet of reinforcement and comfort.

Three axes in National Affairs

I could not help but think “three-axes model” when I read Strangled by Identity, by Rishabh Bhandari and Thomas Hopson.

American politics features three concepts of identity, but Americans are rarely clear-eyed about how these differ and disagree. Ethnic identitarians think civic nationalists are closet racists. Civic nationalists think that ethnic identitarians are “race-baiters.” And while cosmopolitans wrongly believe themselves to be above the fray, the other two sides of this entangled triangle don’t trust them or the institutions they lead. So it is that, at the end of the day, people on each side can blame those on the other two sides for playing identity politics while nonetheless playing the game themselves.

For “Ethnic identitarians” read progressives, interpreting their opponents along the oppressor-oppressed axis. For “Civic nationalists” read conservatives, interpreting their opponents along the civilization-barbarism axis. For “cosmopolitans” read libertarians, interpreting their opponents along the liberty-coercion axis.

In the very same issue of National Affairs, there is Civility and Rebarbarization by Arthur Milikh. Citing essays published under a pseudonym in 1763 by the man who became the second President of the United States, Milikh writes,

According to Adams, the human passions — in particular anger and the desire for revenge, which especially characterize man in the barbaric state — must be ordered, moderated, and channeled so as to form human beings capable of civilized self-government and rule by laws. These passions, however, are ultimately ineradicable, which means that a permanent transformation into a state of civility is not possible. Indeed, entertaining such hopes is dangerous. Rebarbarization always remains a human possibility. Should it occur, nations may find it impossible to re-civilize major portions of their inherited order. Adams’s purpose is to educate his readers on both the origins and fragility of the constitutional liberty that we enjoy.

The entire essay is eloquent along these lines. My guess is that if a survey were taken, conservatives would check the box “strongly agree.” But it will not be so well received by progressives or libertarians. This is a case in which speaking in a single language means that only your tribe will understand what you say.

What I’m Reading

Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, by Wilfred Trotter. Someone who attended a discussion of The Three Languages of Politics recommended it to me. Has anyone else read it? It is sociology from 100 years ago. One of Trotter’s ideas is that there is a conflict between independent rational behavior and conformity with cultural norms. It seems relevant to The Case Against Education. In fact, it pertains to Bryan Caplan on many levels. It also anticipates Garrett Jones’ Hive Mind, right down to the bee metaphor.

If your curiosity gets the better of you, be prepared for a very strange read. The past is a different country, as L.P. Hartley wrote.

Russ Roberts and Bill James

Self-recommending.

At the end, Bill James expresses sentiments that are essentially identical with mine.

Self-righteousness is the great problem that afflicts our political culture. And, the problem is that large numbers of people on both ends of the political spectrum are so convinced that they are correct and that failings to see their correctness are moral failings, that we have lost much of our ability to communicate from one end of the spectrum to the other. And, there’s no justification for it on either end. None of us understand the world. The world is vastly more complicated than the human mind. No one understands whether these policies are going to have the intended effects, or whether the unintended effects are going to be greater than the intended effects. No one knows the answers to those questions. And the people who are convinced that they know the answers to those questions are just wrong. And it’s become a huge concern, because people are so angry, based on their self-righteousness, that we are: anger repeatedly expressed–anger building on anger, building on anger eventually leads to violence. And we need to get people to back away from the conviction that they are right and see that they may be wrong not about something but about everything.