A plea from under the bus

John Hood writes,

The hope of the new nationalists is that by stiff-arming the libertarians, with their “market fundamentalism” and “libertinism,” conservative politicians can more than replace their numbers with populist voters by stressing immigration restriction, protectionism, and cultural conservatism. Perhaps, but I tend to doubt it. Donald Trump won the Electoral College not with a broader electoral coalition but with a differently distributed one that took a few swing states by small margins. The GOP has, on the whole, lost electoral ground since then. Basing a long-term political strategy on repeats of 2016 feels like drawing to an inside straight. Yes, there are voters with conservative views on abortion, homosexuality, immigration, and the culture who frequently vote Democratic. But they’ve been voting that way because they favor large-scale income redistribution, government monopolies in education and health insurance, and a generous welfare state — and they tend to prioritize those issues over cultural ones. If the GOP doesn’t deliver the economic policies they want, it won’t win their allegiance. And if it does deliver those policies, what’s the point of having a GOP?

I think that the Trump coalition is stronger electorally than the old fusionist coalition. Too many of us libertarian conservatives live in Democratic strongholds where our votes are meaningless. More of the populist conservatives live in swing states.

Apart from that quibble, I agree pretty much with Hood’s entire essay.

But I am not so concerned with getting libertarian conservatives back on the Republican Party bus. My biggest personal concern is with the demise of higher education, as ideological conformity has come to replace rigor as the overarching value.

Fall travel update

Here are some dates I will be in various cities, along with times that I might be available if someone wants to get together. Leave a comment if interested.

Oct 28 Indianapolis-Bloomington. Timing yet to be firmed up, but likely that early morning is the best chance.

Nov. 1. New Haven. The talk (on the three-axes model) will be at lunch time, and I probably can get one or two people in. I also may have a short stretch available around 2:00 or so.

Nov. 5-6 St. Louis. I will be staying in Clayton. Available either morning.

Nov. 7-8 Houston. Available mid-morning and afternoon on the 7th. Available morning of the 8th.

Persuasion vs. Demonization

My latest essay begins,

I will describe two modes of political discourse, which I call persuasion mode and demonization mode. In persuasion mode, we treat people on the other side with respect, we listen to their logical and factual presentations, and we respond with logical and factual presentations of our own. In demonization mode, we tell anyone who will listen that people on the other side are awful human beings.

Although I don’t cite Eric Weinstein’s podcast with Timur Kuran, I think that listening to that podcast influenced what I wrote. I have some comments about that podcast scheduled to go up on this blog next week.

Follow up on my mother, Communism, bullying

Further notes on yesterday’s post.

1. I would not apply the three-axes model to the 1950s. Here is the history as I see it:

From 1917 through 1989, I would say that there was one major axis of intellectual disagreement: pro-Communist or anti-Communist.

If you will forgive the oxymoron, in the culture of the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet Union was Silicon Valley–the epicenter of progress, or so it was thought. In the West, the Communist Party was where you went to find people with dynamism, energy, and confidence that they were “in league with the future.”

Meanwhile, anti-Communism had its ups (“red scare”) and downs (“Uncle Joe”)*, until soon after World War II, when it surged again, probably because of renewed pride in American culture and institutions combined with shock at the Soviet atomic bomb and the “fall of China.” Then Stalin’s death in 1951 and the subsequent revelation of the horrors of his regime ended the left’s romance with Communism. Although Western pro-Communism appeared to die with Stalin, the McCarthy-ite bullying of the 1950s produced a backlash of anti-anti-Communism. Finally, the fall of the Berlin Wall made the issue moot, or ended history, as Francis Fukuyama famously put it.

*Note that in the 1940s it was not obvious that Stalin was a monster. From 1941-1945, he was our ally.

2. One reader commented that my father, who drew my mother away from Communism, should have been considered a hero. That is not how bullies think. They regarded him as suspect for being associated with her (and probably to a large extent for being Jewish). A friend reminds me that my father submitted his resignation to the political science department of Washington University, because his position seemed so untenable. It was by not accepting his resignation that the University stood by him.

3. As an aside, I don’t think my mother could have persisted as a Communist in any case. I suspect that she fell in with Communists because, coming to Missouri determined to escape her Pennsylvania small-town existence, she perceived worldliness and sophistication in her Communist associates. It was through them that she met my aunt, who in turn introduced her to my father.

My aunt was very intelligent. All through high school she outshone my father academically. She even had her exploits covered in a long feature story in St. Louis’ leading newspaper. But her temperament was austere and humorless, viewing the world in black-and-white terms. Communism fit her very well.

My father’s intellectual temperament was the opposite. He was comfortable with ambiguity and profoundly skeptical of absolutist thinking. One of his favorite sayings was “The first iron law of social science is ‘sometimes it’s this way and sometimes it’s that way.'” He was not suited to Communism at all.

Neither was my mother, because she cherished amusement. In my boyhood, she sought to amuse me, and she found me amusing.

For example, a couple of times a year she and my father would go to the race track over in Illinois and place small bets. A few times they took me. In the early 1960s, they were lent a small analog computer in which one could use dials to enter information from the Racing Form and get a recommendation for betting. I was the one who worked that computer (at home, not at the track), and it took about half an hour to enter a few pieces of information about each horse in a single race. We never used it to try to bet. But it was an amusing experience.

4. Another reader asked what became of Dr. Sol Londe professionally. It’s a good question, but I don’t know the answer. Apparently, he kept his medical license. But I doubt that he could have held any position with, say, the Missouri Medical Association. [UPDATE: It turns out that he had a long and distinguished career in medicine and political activism. See the comments on this post.]

5. A progressive friend of mine claims that bullying is a Trump-era phenomenon. I would refer him to the Larry Summers case. It was in 2005 when Summers made his infamous remarks that male dominance in math departments was not necessarily due to oppression of women, but instead might reflect the fact that in the very upper extreme of math ability, men are more prevalent. His enemies distorted this into a supposed claim that “women can’t do math.” A vote of the Harvard faculty, many of whom disliked Summers for other reasons (he is easy to dislike) went against him. His resignation, unlike my father’s, was accepted, effective in 2006.

The way it appears to me now, the bullying of Summers/Harvard became the template for today’s social justice movement. It is easy not to feel sorry for Summers personally (he is easy to dislike). But the success of the campaign against him was a tragic episode from the standpoint of the principle of free inquiry.

By the way, even though Summers is easy to dislike, I mostly like him.

Free speech as a cultural value

Jason Richwine writes,

if open debate is truly desirable, we should be concerned not just about government suppression of unpopular views, but about non-governmental suppression. As chilling effects go, “I would speak out, but I don’t want to risk going to jail” is not all that different from “I would speak out, but I don’t want to risk losing my friends and my livelihood.” The end result is the same—less speech, less debate, less openness.

His point is that we should be troubled by private actors suppressing speech, even though that is not a technical violation of the first amendment. I agree.

Rigorous political thinking

Rick Repetti writes,

If you’re interested in furthering honest political inquiry, consider playing the steel man game: “Can we steel man each other’s view, to make sure we understand them?” This is part of another game one of my graduate school mentors encouraged us to play, the “belief game”: First try to completely understand the other person’s philosophy, occupy it from the inside, see the world through that philosopher’s eyes. Only then are you in a legitimate position to speak to its flaws, if any survive that exercise in cognitive empathy. Playing the steel man game is a smaller version of that larger endeavor.

As I was reading the essay, I thought that perhaps I had written it. There is that much reinforcement of some of the political psychology and advice in my book.