Regional Variation in Medical Treatment

Amy Finkelstein, Matthew Gentzkow, and Heidi Williams write,

Our findings confirm that supply-side factors are important, while also revealing that patient preferences and health status together account for a large share of variation. Once we address the endogenous measurement issue with patient health, we find that roughly a quarter of the geographic variation in log health care utilization can potentially be attributed to observable patient health. Whether the remaining patient component reflects preferences or unmeasured health remains an open question

Pointer from Alex Tabarrok, who suggests that the supply-driven variation represents an upper bound (a high one) of sorts on inefficient use of medical procedures. I disagree. There also can be demand for medical services with high costs and low benefits, fueled by third-party payments.

I continue to believe what wrote a decade ago in Crisis of Abundance. That is, the fundamental reason that health care spending is very high in this country is that we obtain a lot of medical services that have high costs and low benefits. You can address that either with top-down rationing or with having patients face a larger share of the costs and being forced to make choices.

Health Care Policy and Reality

CNN reports on the way that my own Obamacare expenses (my premiums plus deductible for next year will be close to 40 percent of my 2015 adjusted gross income) are not unusual.

“These costs are largely a symptom of the fact that medical costs in this country are extraordinarily high,” said Kevin Counihan, CEO of the federal exchange, healthcare.gov. “We have an 800-lb gorilla here, which is exploding health care costs.”

1. Regardless of what economic theory suggests about health care policy, the political system is heavily biased toward stimulating demand while restricting supply. For example, Obamacare stimulated the demand for health insurance through a combination of mandates and subsidies, and yet it restricted supply in that it gave consumers fewer choices. Hence, the “exploding health care costs.”

However, this political bias has operated much more broadly and for much longer. Medicare and Medicaid stimulated demand, while supply has been tightened by restrictions on medical licensing, practice regulation, and regulatory limits on hospital construction.

The most economically beneficial reforms of health care would run counter to this political bias. That is, they would serve to increase supply and cut back on the stimulus to demand. Of course, such reforms are not going to be popular politically.

2. The hope that a single-payer system will reduce costs is misplaced. Compared to what many major industrial countries spend on health care, we spend a higher proportion of our GDP on Medicare alone. [UPDATE: a commenter pointed out that I need to include Medicaid. In fact, I also need to include government employee benefits. See the table from the OECD which is found in this piece by Megan McArdle. As I pointed out ten years ago in Crisis of Abundance, our high spending reflects a willingness to undertake a lot of medical procedures with high costs and low benefits.

3. As individuals, each of us would like unlimited access to medical services without having to pay for them. Collectively, we cannot afford this, because it leads to over-utilization and waste. As our rate of health care spending becomes unsustainable, we are going to get a combination of third-party rationing (denial of coverage for some medical services in some situations) and self-rationing (insured individuals facing higher deductibles and co-pays will choose not to obtain some medical services). If the left has political control over health care policy over the next ten years, I expect to see more third-party rationing. If the right has political control over health care policy over the next ten years, I expect to see more self-rationing.

4. A two-tier health care system is all but unavoidable. If the government provides basic health care for all, then the rich will go outside the system for expensive procedures. For example, Canadians can come to this country for treatments that they cannot obtain in Canada. If the government limits its involvement to providing health care vouchers to poor people, then they will not be able to afford the services that the rich are able to obtain.

5. New discoveries in health care tend to make existing programs and policies anachronistic. The FDA is often a roadblock to innovation. Medicare and Social Security have not adapted to greater longevity. Incentives for innovation are too dependent on the patent system, as opposed to prizes or other methods. New forms of health insurance, such as “insurance against becoming uninsurable,” need to be tested in the market.

Mugged by Reality: My Obamacare Notice

Yesterday in the mail, my wife and I got our premium notice from the health care exchange. Our monthly premium is going up 70 percent, and our deductible is going up also.

I wonder if any of the pundits who claim that Obamacare is working are actually getting their health insurance through an exchange.

I wonder how many of us who have not supported Donald Trump are feeling mugged by reality.

If David Cutler were an Entrepreneur

He would buy a hospital. Let me explain. The IGM forum polled economists to see if they agreed with this statement:

Long run fiscal sustainability in the US will require some combination of cuts in currently promised Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security benefits and/or tax increases that include higher taxes on households with incomes below $250,000.

Most economists agreed, as would I. However, Cutler disagreed, writing

There are ways of making the health care programs much more efficient, which would obviate the need for tax increases for some time.

He thinks he knows how to compensate health care providers more efficiently. If he were an entrepreneur, he would buy a hospital and prove his theories there. But he is a professor, so testing his theories is an all-or-nothing proposition, and we will have to pay for it.

Creeping Socialism in Health Insurance

Jeffrey H. Anderson writes,

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (see table 1.2b), 66.8 percent of those living in the United States had private health insurance in 2007. Now, as of 2015 (the most recent year for which figures are available), only 65.6 percent of those living in the United States have private health insurance.

…Meanwhile, the CDC figures show that the percentage of people living in the United States who have public health coverage has risen dramatically, from 18.1 percent in 2007 to 25.3 percent in 2015 (see table 1.2a).

I was wondering how much of this reflects people aging into Medicare, but then I clicked on the link to the report and the tables are for Americans under 65. My guess is that future health care reforms (“fixing Obamacare”) will move us further in that direction.

The Top-Down Reformer’s Calculation Problem

Two recent examples.

1. I was invited to attend the Progressive Policy Institute on Wednesday, but not as a speaker. The topic is introduced by saying

Now that Congress has passed the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), states are revamping their federally required systems to measure school quality and hold schools accountable for performance. But most are doing so using outdated assumptions, holdovers from the Industrial Era, when cookie-cutter public schools followed orders from central headquarters and students were assigned to the closest school.

In today’s world, that is no longer the norm. We are migrating toward systems made up of diverse, fairly autonomous schools of choice, some of them operated by independent organizations, as charter, contract, or innovation schools. Before revising their measurement and accountability systems, states need to rethink their assumptions.

2. And David Cutler must be happy to read this story.

Medicare on Friday unveiled a far-reaching overhaul of how it pays doctors and other clinicians. Compensation for medical professionals will start taking into account the quality of service – not just quantity.

A Nobel Prize in economics was just awarded in part for the insight that it is a bad idea to compensate workers on factors that are heavily influenced by luck. In my view, having someone in Washington evaluate a school or a teacher or a doctor does exactly that.

People who are close to the schooling process, including parents, peers, and principals, can use judgment to evaluate teachers. That’s the way it used to work 50 years ago, before the advent of consolidated, unionized school districts.

For doctors, the prevalence of third-party payments means that their compensation is being determined by remote bureaucrats regardless.

Hansonian Medicine for Pets

Liran Einav, Amy Finkelstein, and Atul Gupta write

we document four similarities between American human healthcare spending and American pet healthcare spending: (i) rapid growth in spending as a share of GDP over the last two decades; (ii) a strong income-spending gradient; (iii) rapid growth in the employment of healthcare providers; and (iv) a similar propensity for high spending at the end of life in pets and humans.

Their findings are inconsistent with the view that our high spending on health care is driven by third-party payments or supply regulations. The findings are not inconsistent with what I suggested a decade ago in Crisis of Abundance, which is that medical treatment uses human and physical capital increasingly intensively. Also, they are not inconsistent with Robin Hanson’s view that medical treatment is something that we want others to get in order to show that we care.

Why You Don’t Have to Change Your Mind

James Surowiecke writes,

Obamacare is being hobbled by the political compromises made to get it passed. ..

Conservatives point to Obamacare’s marketplace woes as evidence that government should stop mucking around with health insurance. In fact, government hasn’t mucked around enough: if we want to make universal health insurance a reality, the government needs to do more, not less.

Pointer from Mark Thoma.

A while back on twitter, someone pointed me to a passage from David Deutsch.

The key defect of compromise policies is that when one of them is implemented and fails, no one learns anything because no one ever agreed to it.

So, one side says that the stimulus failed because stimulus does not work. The other side says that it worked, but there was not enough of it. One side says Obamacare has not achieved its objectives because it is a flawed concept. The other side says that “government hasn’t mucked around enough.”

If you wanted to create accountability in politics, you could say, “You can have your way, but if the results do not conform to your promises, you lose power.” But things are never that clean.

With markets profits and losses ensure accountability. When your firm loses enough money, you can insist that you were right all along and just ran into bad luck, but nonetheless you go out of business.

Obamacare Reality

Reed Abelson and Margot Sanger-Katz (NYT, the Upshot) write,

Competition, at least in theory, helps keep premiums low and service high. That’s the whole point of having a market for health insurance. But 17 percent of people eligible for this market might have no choice of carrier next year.

…People who do not receive federal tax credits to help pay for their coverage are particularly hard hit by having to pay higher premiums and could be unable to afford the cost. They are a small minority of people currently in the Obamacare marketplaces, but more than a third of all people buying their own insurance, according to recent estimates.

…There are currently about half as many people in the exchanges as the Congressional Budget Office expected…. About 27 million Americans still don’t have insurance

Read the whole thing. My prediction is that in order to keep the system going under the Clinton Administration, much more taxpayer money will be spent and consumers and health care providers will face more coercive rules.

Bubbe-Meisis

It is a Yiddish expression, meaning roughly “an old woman’s superstitions.” Here are three pieces of advice given to my daughter concerning the recent birth of our first grandchild that struck me as bubbe-meisis.

1. If the fetus is below the 10th percentile in estimated weight at the 8th month, the risk of still birth is sufficiently elevated that labor should be induced immediately.

2. If you want your milk to come in, you must not allow the baby to drink any formula.

3. If you allow your newborn to sleep on its stomach instead of its back, the risk of SIDS (sudden infant death syndrome) is very elevated.

If your grandmother said such things, you would probably ignore her. Unfortunately, these opinions were rendered by my daughter’s obstetrician, lactation consultant, and pediatrician, respectively. Hence, they had the force of Authority.

(1) does not take into account: the huge margin of error in fetal weight estimates; the fact that still birth is such an unusual event that unless the fetus is showing clear symptoms of acute distress it is very difficult to find factors that have reliable correlations with still birth; and the fact that different women tend to give birth to infants of different weights. I would bet that our grandson was in the 50th percentile of the weight that was expected for a child of his parents. So his low estimated fetal weight was not a signal of any distress whatsoever.

(2) strikes me as more ideology than science. If the mother is nursing correctly, how soon her milk comes in (or whether it comes in at all) depends on many idiosyncratic factors. Denying the infant any formula at all will mostly serve to starve a baby if the mother’s milk is not available.

(3) Again, we are talking about a rare event where we do not know the causal mechanism. If there is any effect of sleeping on the stomach, it is not materially significant. There has been a small decrease in the rate of SIDS death since the back-sleeping advice started to be given, but there could have been many other factors that changed over this same time period. Meanwhile, as soon as he is put on his back, our grandson wakes and cries, while on his stomach he sleeps like, well, a baby–but he is not allowed to do that.

These bubbe-meisis deal with phenomena that have what James Manzi calls causal density–there are too many potential causal forces at work to have a definitive theory of the process. Many factors can cause still birth. Many factors can cause a mother to be unable to supply enough milk to a newborn. Many factors might be implicated in SIDS.

Nonetheless, most people would rather listen to an Authority who offers a specific causal theory rather than one who says “we don’t know.” So economists who dispense Keynesian bubbe-meisis are listened to, and those of us who say that we don’t know how to create patterns of sustainable specialization and trade are not.

By the way, so far our grandson is doing fine. Our daughter compromised with Authority. She refused to be induced in week 37, and only caved in at week 39. She limited her infant’s intake of formula, but she did not eliminate it altogether. As for sleeping, because he cannot sleep on his back, he tends to fall asleep on someone’s chest (face down, of course). If an Authority knew this, would he or she give the parents a pass to let the baby sleep on its stomach in the crib?