Conservative radicalism

These days, I am thinking about this oxymoron. As a libertarian/conservative, you feel like dealing with the mainstream media is like playing basketball with the refs on the other team. And with cancel culture and Biden’s idea of unity, it feels like the other team has decided to foul at will. Hence, it is tempting for conservatives to radicalize.

One idea I have for an organizing principle:

Anyone, not just the rich and the well-connected, should be able to escape the consequences of progressive policies

Everyone, not just the wealthy, should be able to enjoy the same level of police protection that the rich enjoy in their gated communities.

Everyone, not just the wealthy, should be able to choose a private-school rather than be forced to deal with the teachers’ unions.

Everyone, not just the elite Woke, should be able to express their political beliefs without fear of retribution on the job or in selling a product.

Etc.

What about Rexit (red-state exit)?

Craig Shirley writes,

America is, in my opinion, historically sensible enough that a transition from a constitutional republic to a set of allied, regional constitutional confederations based on the republican model would not seem that far-fetched. As was mentioned earlier, maybe a set of self-governing regions united by a common American heritage would allow our country to actually solve some of its most glaring problems.

He compares the current red-blue divide to a marriage that cannot be saved.

I think that a better form of breakup would be more virtual than real. If I could stay in Maryland but have a Texas government, that would be better than having to choose one or the other. Balaji Srinivasan puts it this way, in a podcast that I will comment on more in several days,

one of the Westphalian assumptions is that people who are geographically proximal are ideologically proximal. That, say, you live next door to this guy, therefore you share his language, you share his culture, you share the norms for the most part, you know them, you say hi to them, all the types of stuff, right. In the modern era, people live in these apartment buildings where they couldn’t recognize somebody who lives 10 feet away from them but they’re sharing the most intimate moments with people 3,000 miles away via Snapchat or Twitter or whatever, right?

. . .new kinds of polities will form. New ways of self-governing humans that are fundamentally network-based, rather than state-based.

But either virtually or geographically, Rexit would be really hard to negotiate. Think of the existing liabilities that have to be sorted out. The Rexiteers do not want to pay for teacher pensions. The Blue remainers do not want to let the Rexiteers off the hook for all of Social Security’s unfunded liabilities.

History of the ACLU

James Kirchick writes,

“My successor, and the board of directors that have supported him, have basically tried to transform the organization from a politically neutral, nonpartisan civil liberties organization into a progressive liberal organization,” Glasser says about Anthony Romero, an ex-Ford Foundation executive who continues to serve as the ACLU’s executive director. According to former ACLU national board member Wendy Kaminer in her 2009 book Worst Instincts: Cowardice, Conformity, and the ACLU, Romero and his enablers routinely engaged in the sort of undemocratic and unaccountable behavior practiced by the individuals and institutions the ACLU usually took to court, like withholding information (concerning a breach of ACLU members’ privacy, no less), shredding documents in violation of its own record-preservation and transparency procedures, and attempting to muzzle board members from criticizing the organization publicly. (“You sure that didn’t come out of Dick Cheney’s office?” remarked the late, great former Village Voice columnist and ACLU board member Nat Hentoff of this last gambit). Eerily prescient, Worst Instincts foreshadowed the hypocrisy and fecklessness that has since come to characterize the leadership of so many other, previously liberal institutions confronted by the forces of illiberalism within their own ranks.

Read it and weep.

FITs plus Substack?

Imagine that Substack subscribers could pick teams. Maybe a team of 3, a team of 5, or a team of 7.

Fantasy Intellectual teams would centrally score substack essays using criteria along the lines of version 2.0.

In addition to the reports I have coded so far, there would be a Leaderboard of the leading substack writers in each category.

Every month, substack would award prizes to subscribers who pick the best teams. The contests could generate more subscribers for substack in addition to achieving the FITs goal.

Unwalling the gardens

A reader points me to something that Gray Mirror wrote last year.

Let’s call a protocol transparent if anyone can send or read a message in the protocol. In a transparent protocol, the whole public has both the technical information and the legal right to encode or decode messages in a transparent protocol, at every layer of the protocol stack. The opposite is opaque.

His proposal is to require that protocols be transparent. Anyone should be able to write an application that uses the protocol. This would change Facebook from a walled garden to an open database.

Here is an example, using Fantasy Intellectual Teams. Suppose that I maintain the definitive database for keeping score, and a schematic of the file format looks like this:

var teams = [
{
teamname: “Clan Graham”, owner: “Geoff”, players:
[
{name: “Joe Rogan”, Bets: 0, Memes: 1, Steelmans: 0},
{name:”Matt Ridley”, Bets:0, Memes:2, Steelmans:0}
]
},

{teamname: “Tim the Enchanter”, owner: “Jon T”, players:
[
{name: “Tyler Cowen”, Bets: 1, Memes: 3, Steelmans:2}
]
}
]

In the walled-garden model, only I know the file format, and thus only I can write reports based on the data. In a transparent-protocol model, pretty much anyone who has ever composed code could write reports based on the data. Gray Mirror would force me to use the transparent-protocol model. As an aside, if a team owner wants to keep his name secret, this is something that could be accommodated in the transparent-protocol model. Data security and protocol transparency are different features, and they are not incompatible.

In the walled-garden model, since I control the reporting, I can sell advertising to be placed on the reports. In the transparent-protocol model, I would have to sell subscriptions to the database. The transparent-protocol model still allows me to have a monopoly, but it strictly limits the uses that I can make of that monopoly.

Would you go to the trouble to create the data protocol for Facebook and, most importantly, undertake the effort to induce people to enter data into your database, if you knew that sooner or later you would be forced to make the protocol transparent? If the answer is “yes,” then Gray Mirror’s suggestion might be a good one.

Messing with the web of social conventions

The late economist Hyman Minsky had an aphorism:

It’s easy to create money. The trick is getting it accepted

This aphorism can be adapted to other realms.

It’s easy to create a software standard (like the Internet protocols, or an operating system, or a programming language). The trick is getting it accepted.

It’s easy to create the software architecture for a social network. The trick is getting it accepted.

It’s easy to create a law. The trick is getting it accepted.

It’s easy to create a social norm. The trick is getting it accepted.

It’s easy to create a religion. The trick is getting it accepted.

It’s easy to create a credentialing system. The trick is getting it accepted.

What to call things that are like this? I like the term “consensual hallucination,” as William Gibson defined cyberspace in his sci-fi novel Neuromancer. But a more standard term would be “social convention.”

We live in a web of social conventions. Each social convention by itself is a sort of Chesterton Fence. You may wonder why it’s there, but take it away and you may not anticipate what will happen elsewhere in the web. You ignore potential interdependencies at your peril. De-fund the police (or delegitimize them) and crime goes up. Get rid of government schools and replace them with a voucher system, and perhaps you get only the intended consequences, but maybe you don’t.

Once social conventions have been adopted for awhile, they become very sticky. Is Microsoft Word the best possible word processing program? No, but try to replace it. Is Facebook the best way to design an online social network? No, but try to replace it. Is the U.S. patent system the best way to address intellectual property? No, but try to replace it. Is a Harvard MBA or a Yale law degree the best credentialing system for finding people for powerful positions? No, but try to replace them.

Freedom of speech is an interesting social convention. The First Amendment (another social convention) technically applies only to the U.S. Congress. But many of us seek to promote the social convention of free speech more broadly.

Private property is a social convention. The economist Hernando de Soto in The Mystery of Capital, pointed out that having clear legal title to land makes a tremendous difference in a society. Without it, people cannot rely on enjoying the benefits from building on that land. They cannot borrow against their real estate assets. They have only what he calls “dead capital.”

Our society treats property rights as essential. We follow John Locke in this regard. Or a natural law tradition that preceded him.

Karl Marx’s followers saw private property as an evil social convention. Just get rid of it! Well, we know what happened.

Philosopher Michael Huemer’s The Problem of Political Authority questions the usefulness of giving government the right to coerce and citizens the duty to obey. Could we not get rid of these social conventions? I reviewed his book skeptically. I wrote,

I suspect that the real reasons that people buy into political authority cannot be found in the work of political philosophers, such as Thomas Hobbes, John Rawls, or James Fishkin. The true reasons are implicit, and someone needs to undertake the task of teasing them out. Until we know what the real reasons are, we will not be able to refute them.

This is not to say that we should never tinker with social conventions. Progress depends on successful tinkering. But we should always be wary that an experiment in social (re-)engineering may not work.

Keep this in mind as you read Balaji Srininivasan’s How to Start a New Country. He strikes me as cavalier about the stickiness and interconnectedness of some of the social conventions that he thinks can be cast aside.

Prequel to a Chauvin acquittal

Suppose that Chauvin is acquitted. If so, then I would argue that it is irresponsible for any leading media outlet or politician to denounce the criminal justice system. That would be equivalent to delegitimizing the 2020 election and claiming that it was stolen.

Of course, I expect some people to denounce the criminal justice system if there is an acquittal. But elites should be obligated to say that they accept the decision of the jury. I fear that we will not see them do so.

I am not saying that it will be an injustice if Chauvin is found guilty. But there are some factors that mightlead to an acquittal.

It is ironic that much of the trial will focus on the issue of proper police procedure. In Chauvin’s case, proper procedure would have been to investigate the incident before filing charges. I have read that this procedure was not followed. As a result, evidence has emerged subsequent to his being charged that makes the charges less justified than when they first were made.

I am not a lawyer. But my impression is that to prove even the weakest charge, manslaughter, the prosecution must show that

(a) Chauvin’s conduct was reckless, the way that drunk driving is reckless.

(b) Chauvin’s conduct contributed to George Floyd’s death.

To believe (a), you have to take into account the way that Floyd resisted arrest and the challenges that police face when someone resists arrest. You must believe that Chauvin’s actions were highly abnormal for a police officer in those circumstances. And you must believe this beyond a reasonable doubt.

To believe (b), you have to believe that had Floyd been left unrestrained, he would have survived the drugs he ingested. And this, too, must be true beyond a reasonable doubt, no?

Please restrict comments to correcting my amateur legal “analysis.” If you have general opinions related to the trial and protests and such, please refrain from putting them in the comments.

Exit, Voice, and Wokeness

Mike Gonzalez writes,

Still, all these areas—the media, the academy, the churches, sports—are basically volitional. You don’t have to watch Monday Night Football; you can cancel your newspaper subscription; if your rabbi is too much of a social justice warrior, you simply switch synagogues. Most of us, however, have to do one thing every weekday: go to work. Ever since Adam bit the apple and God told him that henceforth “by the sweat of your brow you shall eat bread,” we have gotten up almost daily, put on overalls, a uniform, or a tie, and set forth to make a living.

He is reviewing The Dictatorship of Woke Capital, by Stephen R. Soukup.

When the topic of resistance to Wokeism is discussed these days, I see issues of exit and voice being raised in many places, including the comments on this blog. For example, see Handle.

Exit means choosing a different institution. A prominent member quit my synagogue a few months ago when he became fed up with its wokeness. There is a lot of talk about home schooling. People have speculated about boycotting Google or Amazon.

Voice means advocating for a different point of view within institutions. See Heterodox Academy or the Academic Freedom Alliance. Or supporting laws that ban government support for CRT training.

I think it helps to explicitly classify different approaches as exit-oriented or voice-oriented. I thought that Angelo Codevilla’s American Exodus essay suffered by failing to employ this distinction.

The question of whether conservatives/libertarians should seek regulation of big tech turns on this exit/voice issue. If we think that we have enough choice available in the private sector, then we are likely to oppose government regulation. But if we think that Woke Capital is indeed becoming a dictatorship, then we probably want to think in terms of using the political process to resist.

I am in the “exit” camp. I want to develop and promote entrepreneurial ideas that allow people to get away from Wokeism, particularly in K-12 education and higher education.

The FITS goal

Play Fantasy Intellectual Teams and change the world!

I am excited by the way people who are aware of FITs have started to read commentaries and listen to podcasts with our scoring categories in mind. I find myself doing this (Balaji just gave the odds for a bet! Great research summary [a version 2.0 category] by Scott!). When we can get a lot of people thinking in terms of our scoring categories, we change the world. So help the project by becoming an owner. Send me a message at arnoldsk at us dot net or leave a comment with your email address.

Commenter Handle writes,

one way to test FIT versions is to pick a public intellectual with views one hopes become higher status, and to see whether your FIT-scoring system would tend to capture their style.

Views and style are not the same thing. I can be sympathetic with the views of Victor Davis Hanson , but his style tends to be uncharitable toward those who disagree. I tend to disagree with Ezra Klein’s views, but often his style is fair to other points of view.

When I came up with the Fantasy Intellectual Teams idea, in my mind I was not differentiating views from style. But now I want to put all of the focus on style.

Imagine you came to a town and you found fistfights breaking out everywhere. Two people accidentally brush into one another on the sidewalk, and fists fly. A road rage incident occurs, and people get out of their cars and start throwing punches. In a restaurant, if a patron has to wait too long for the waiter, the she smacks the waiter. If the waiter is unhappy with his tip, he throws a haymaker.

This culture is reinforced, because whenever a fight breaks out, especially when it is between someone wearing a red shirt and someone wearing a blue shirt, people gather and cheer. They award high status to the meanest people. They like to see someone get poked in the eye or kneed in the groin.

We have a town like this, called Twitter. But it’s not just Twitter. Rude, abusive, and nasty discourse predated Twitter. Talk radio has had it at least since Rush Limbaugh. Paul Krugman has engaged in it for close to twenty years, ever since he joined the NYT.

I aim to clean up this town by raising the status of politeness. Start cheering for those who say “please” and “thank you” and “excuse me” until manners improve.

I don’t equate being polite with being soft, or with letting “them” abuse “us.” In the end, views matter. And I think that with higher-caliber political discourse, our views will do better than they do in Twitter town.

That is how I am thinking about the scoring catetories in FITs version 2.0.